British Urban and Rural Identities: Conclusion

Traditionally, the urban and the rural have been regarded as opposite phenomena contributing to British national identity (Ward 66). At first glance, such a distinction between the urban and the rural as clearly distinguished phenomena appears legitimate since urban and rural areas usually differ significantly with regard to their population numbers, population density, ethnic diversity and other features.

The analysis presented in this blog post, however, emphasizes not only the constructedness of the idea of a shared national identity but, moreover, reveals that even a model distinguishing between urban and rural identity is too simplistic to grasp the complex concept of British identity in its entirety. Even though the brochures of both the rural and the urban areas investigated in this blog post undoubtedly show shared tendencies with regard to their self- image and identity within their ‘group’, it must not be ignored that each of the analyzed brochures is indicative of a distinctive variation of British identity unique to this specific place. For instance, a focus on nature – usually regarded as a feature of a rural concept of identity – is also predominant in both the brochures on Glasgow and Cardiff. Similarly, not only do the rural areas investigated in this analysis show a strong connection with history and tradition, but the same can be said of the urban areas, especially the Welsh and the Scottish cities.

The results presented in this blog post stress the necessity to question the traditional, universalist concept of British identity for the sake of an approach on a meso or even micro level which takes into account the specific features and background of the respective area in order to define a more concrete idea of identity detached from constructed categories like ‘nation’, ‘rural’ or ‘urban’.

Source
Ward, Paul. Britishness since 1870. London and New York: Routledge, 2004.

British Rural Identities

For the analysis of British rural identity we will focus on the three following rural areas: Wyre, which is located in the north of Lancashire; Moray, situated in the north-east of Scotland; as well as Anglesey, an island off the north-west coast of Wales. According to the 2011 census the total populations of Wyre and Moray are 107,749 and 93,295 respectively. The 2011 Mid-Year Estimate showed the population of the largest island of Wales to be 69,913. Interestingly, the major ethnic group with a large proportion in all three rural areas is White: 98.3% in Wyre; 98.9% in Moray and 98.2% in Anglesey. Further ethnic groups are Asian, Asian British, Black or Black British (McHugh, Smith, local government data unit).

When examining the tourist brochures for the purpose of finding information about regional self-concept and interpreting major facets and features of each area’s identity, further similarities can be discovered. Nature, specifically natural environments, tradition and history play essential roles in every brochure of our rural candidates. While Wyre seeks to attract tourists with the Forest of Bowland, it is the Parys Mountain in Anglesey and the Hillsides and Moorland in Moray. Overall, the brochure of Wyre presents natural environments and historical villages to the largest extent as well as a few sports events. Similarly, about 75% of the tourist guide of Anglesey deals with nature activities such as hiking, swimming, climbing or relaxing at the beach; about 20% of its content is about history and culture. Moray also mainly focuses on natural aspects such as a great variety of wildlife, river estuaries, moorland or on history and culture such as town landmarks and their sights or historical cathedrals.

The covers of the brochures reveal first impressions, directions and similarities of each rural area. Apposite to its content, Wyre relies on simplicity, nostalgia and idyllic landscapes by presenting illustrations of trees, a river as well as a lake and horizons with dreamy and colorful skies. Anglesey shows two young women wandering along the beach in casual leisure clothing holding their hiking boots. The Welsh header and fancy font hint at a mixture between tradition, culture and modernity. The cover of the brochure of Moray contains four pictures, of which the illustration of a cyclist in a forest takes up most space. The other pictures refer to more variety to be expected in Moray: business, fishing, consumption and lifestyle. Hence, according to the three covers, once again nature and tradition are highly focused, which can be exemplified by the introduction of traditional towns: Garstang and Fleetwood in Wyre, as well as Elgin and Forres in Moray. When depicting Garstang great emphasis is put on its Arts Centre, traditional pubs, the Cheese Shop or the Old Holly Farm. In Fleetwood tourists can gaze at Victorian architecture, or visit a historic museum or the Fleetwood Marsh Nature Reserve. With regard to Elgin, the first and most significant focus is put on its medieval cathedral or the fact that the town is the main commercial centre in the area. Forres enjoys a fine reputation for its achievements in national floral and environmental competitions and its inhabitants particularly identify with the fact that they are considered to be a green community. These towns symbolize the self-concepts of Wyre and Moray and their depictions highlight the importance of tradition, history, nature and religion.

Similar features regarding tradition, history or nature can be discovered in Anglesey as well: sea zoo, coastal paths, Dingle Local Nature Reserve, boat rides, the historic town of Holyhead with castles and museums or hidden gardens and forests. Nevertheless, Anglesey offers slightly more variety and modernity. Even though shopping, festivals and events are also mentioned in the other two brochures, these aspects are highlighted in a more detailed and illustrated manner. As the cover indicates, Anglesey lays more emphasis on modernity and young tourists as a target group since the last three pages of the brochure offer an app containing audio for different sights on the island. In addition to the usual contact details, Facebook and Twitter are also included. Another unique feature amongst our three rural candidates is the business paragraph in the brochure of Moray. On two pages ten reasons are stated why Moray is a worthwhile place to invest money in food and drink, online technologies or business services. In view of these minor individual aspects our three brochures and self-concepts differ solely on a micro level. All in all, the comparison between these three rural areas reveals that they share several features in a significant way. The emphases on tradition, history or nature is in expected accordance with the considerable homogenous population of all three rural candidates. Tendencies towards multiculturalism, diversity or prospective innovations can scarcely be detected.

 

Sources:

Burrows Communications Limited. (n.d.) Moray Official Guide. PDF.

Isle of Anglesey County Council. (n.d.) Anglesey from all angles. 2016. PDF.

Mischi, Julian (2009). “Englishness and the Countryside – How British Rural Studies Address the Issue of National Identity” in Reviron-Piégay, Englishness Revisited, 109-125.

Office for National Statistics (2013). “2011 Census Analysis – Comparing Rural and Urban Areas of England and Wales”.

Wyre Council. (n.d.). Discover Wyre. PDF.

British Urban Identities

Despite the fact that Birmingham, Glasgow and Cardiff were chosen for the analysis of British urban identity on the basis of their high numbers of inhabitants, the remarkable differences in population need to be stressed. Although Glasgow and Cardiff with populations  of 600,000 and 350,000 respectively are the biggest cities of Scotland and Wales, both are significantly less populated than England’s second biggest city, Birmingham, with a population of more than 1.1 million (Office for National Statistics 2011; National Records of Scotland 2011). This fact can also be observed when considering the city’s population density. While Birmingham has more than 4,100 inhabitants per square kilometre, the number for Glasgow is only 3,300 and even lower for Cardiff with only about 2,500 persons on the same area (Office for National Statistics 2011; National Records of Scotland 2011).

Furthermore, the three cities differ with regard to their ethnic diversity. Even though all of the chosen urban areas have witnessed a growth of ethnic minority populations (Office for National Statistics 2011; National Records of Scotland 2011), White British is still the dominant ethnic group in Glasgow and Cardiff accounting for more than 80 per cent of the inhabitants. In Birmingham, by contrast, only slightly over half of the population is part of this group (Office for National Statistics 2011; National Records of Scotland 2011); Pakistani, Indian and Caribbean minority groups all have a significant influence (Office for National Statistics 2011).

In line with these major differences in population numbers, population density and ethnic diversity, the brochures offered by these three major British cities (Birmingham, Glasgow and Cardiff) show great differences. Birmingham puts great emphasis on presenting the city’s diversity and a certain ‘newness’. Repeatedly, the brochure claims that Birmingham is characterized by both its global quality and its permanent change and development. The English city’s globalism is not only made obvious by the long list of it international events like Hindu “Vaisakhi celebrations” (p. 11) or its “Carribean Food Festival” (p. 11) but also referred to directly by calling Birmingham “a truly global destination” (p. 2) and “a melting pot of different cultures and lifestyles” (p. 21). Birmingham’s innovative nature is alluded to on the basis of its developing infrastructure, economy and dining scene (pp. 4; 20).

In contrast, Glasgow’s main emphasis is on the city’s rich history and heritage. This is indicated by the fact that the brochure offers certain sections or headlines in Scottish Gaelic. Furthermore, its focus on the historical and cultural background of the region is made obvious by the use of a photograph of the Doulton Fountain at People’s Palace on its cover, which was erected in the late 19^th century. This emphasis can be found throughout the brochure. Each of the presented themes – nature, culture and the arts and even food – is presented in light of Glasgow’s history, heritage and “archeological treasure[s]” (p. 4). More generally speaking, the reader is provided with an image of Glasgow as the stereotypical Scottish city – coined by its history and tradition (pp. 5, 7, 14, 15) marked by its focus on the rich Scottish culture (pp. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12) and surrounded by untouched nature (pp. 4, 6) . This attempt of presenting Glasgow as a first and foremost Scottish rather than a British city is probably indicative of the increasing tendency within the Scottish population to favour the idea of Scotland’s independence of the United Kingdom (Bennhold 2017).

Even though the brochure on Cardiff also offers certain sections in its original national language, it differs from the Scottish brochure since it tries to present the Welsh city as a place not only rich in tradition but especially young and modern. For instance, its cover shows futuristic objects as part of an exhibition on Doctor Who. Even though photographs of historical buildings play a major role in the brochure (pp. 2, 5, 6, 8, 25, 27), it also places emphasis on providing another perspective on the city. For example, it offers insight into how Cardiff students regard the city (pp. 10-13) and presents the well-known radio host Huw Stephens as a child of the city in order to provide the readers with a glimpse of “cool Cardiff” (p. 16). Although this representation appears surprising when compared to the brochure on Glasgow, the two different strategies might be explained on the basis of the respective target groups. Unlike the Scottish brochure, the one on Cardiff does not only address short-term tourists but, in addition, seems to aim at potential students. Hence, it is not surprising that the brochure particularly stresses aspects and attractions which might be interesting for younger people like nightlife (pp. 10-13), sports (pp. 14-15), music (pp. 16-18) or street food (pp. 19-21).

In summary, it can be argued that the results of this analysis of the three brochures are both surprising and as expected. Glasgow presents itself in a very traditional way, foregrounding its history and rich culture. In line with its relatively low level of ethnic diversity, it appears as a comparatively monolithic place, shaped by its tradition rather than by external influences. At first glance, the same is true for the image which Cardiff creates of itself since non-Welsh cultures do not play a role in the brochure. However, the brochure puts great effort into presenting Cardiff as a place not only combining history and modernity but being open for change which can possibly be explained by its focus on students as the major target group. Unsurprisingly, in comparison with the other two cities Birmingham portrays itself in the most diverse and innovative way. In accordance with the multifaceted nature of its population, the brochure depicts Birmingham as a diverse place which aims at being regarded as a global rather than an English or British city. The major differences identified between the respective self-images of the three cities seem to confirm the assumption that the idea of a shared national identity is problematic. Even a concept distinguishing between urban and rural national identities appears to be too simplistic and generalizing.

Sources

APS Group Scotland in conjunction with Visit Scotland (VS) and Scottish Provincial Press (SPP). 2017-18 Explore Greater Glasgow & The Clyde Valley. Mòr-roinn Ghlaschu & Gleann Chluaidh. N.p.: APS, December 2016. https://www.visitscotland.com/ebrochures/en/what-to-see-and-do/glasgow/. Accessed 24 May 2017.

Bennhold, Katrin. “’Brexit’ Fuels Feeling in Scotland That Time Is Right for Independence.” The New York Times, 14 March 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/14/world/europe/scotland-uk-independence-referendum.html. Accessed 12 July 2017.

Cardiff Council. Cardiff. The Essential Guide. N.p.: CC, n.d. http://51h2lc4n573ga5bh382hhw1s.wpengine.netdna-cdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/essentialguide-2014-2015.pdf. Accessed 24 May 2017.

Marketing Birmingham. Birmingham Live. N.p.: MB, n.d. http://issuu.com/businessbirmingham/docs/715601_mb_relocation_magazine_2016_?e=10872079/43703595. Accessed 24 May 2017.

National Records of Scotland, 2011 Census: Digitised Boundary Data (Scotland) [computer file]. UK Data Service Census Support. Downloaded from: https://borders.ukdataservice.ac.uk/

Office for National Statistics, 2011 Census: Digitised Boundary Data (England and Wales) [computer file]. UK Data Service Census Support. Downloaded from: https://borders.ukdataservice.ac.uk/

 

How Britishness is defined from rural and urban perspectives

Defining Britishness, or the abstract construct of a shared national identity in Great Britain, is a complex issue which requires elaboration from several different sociocultural aspects. The British countryside has often been celebrated as “the true depository of national character and identity” (Ward 56). Nevertheless, in light of the fact that in 2014 more than 80 per cent of the British population lived in urban areas (Small Area Population Estimates 2016) the idea of a shared British identity strongly influenced by the country’s rural areas appears problematic. Especially with regard to a growing ethnic, religious and cultural diversity particularly in the urban areas of Great Britain, a review of the impact of rural images of “tradition, custom, community, cultural unity and ‘the outdoor life’” (Storry and Childs 66) on national identity seems necessary.

Hence, this essay firstly aims at finding out how urban and rural identities in Great Britain differ. Secondly, whether and how rural images still contribute to the construction of British national identity, and thirdly if such superordinate identity can be actually defined. For this purpose, the results of an analysis of six tourist brochures offered by three urban (Birmingham, Glasgow, Cardiff) and three rural areas (Wyre, Moray, Anglesey) located in England, Scotland and Wales will be employed. The areas were chosen based on the rural-urban classification offered by the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs which defines districts in which at least 50 per cent of the population lives in rural areas or rural-related hub towns as “predominantly rural” (Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs 7). In contrast, districts in which at least 74 per cent of the population lives in urban areas are categorized as “predominantly urban” (Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs 7). This blog post uses quantitative information about the respective areas provided by the last Census in 2011 as a starting point and aims at supplementing assumptions on urban and rural identities being indicated by these data by a qualitative content analysis. This analysis is used in order to identify the brochures’ major focuses like for instance history, tradition, heritage, culture, diversity or globalism and to specify the image which the respective city tries to construct of itself.

Sources:

Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs. “Statistical Digest of Rural England.” GOV.UK, 25 May 2017, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/statistical-digest-of-rural-england. Accessed 30 May 2017.

Small Area Population Estimates. “Rural Population 2014/15.” GOV.UK, 9 Nov. 2016, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/rural-population-and-migration/rural-population-201415. Accessed 30 May 2017.

Storry, Mike, and Peter Childs. British Cultural Identities. 3rd ed., London and New York: Routledge, 2007.

Thomas, Ryan J.; Antony, Mary Grace. “Competing Constructions of British National identity. British Newspaper Comment on the 2012 Olympics Opening Ceremony.” Media, Culture & Society, vol. 37, no. 3, 2015, pp. 493-503.

Ward, Paul. Britishness since 1870. London and New York: Routledge, 2004.